Has England ever lost a war

June, 20th

No. 12-1940

Socialist communications

News for German Socialists in England

This news-letter is published for the information of Social Democratic
refugees from Germany who are opposing dictatorship of any kind.

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Churchill's statement

Prime Minister Churchill made a statement in the House of Commons on Tuesday on the situation following the end of the fight by the French government. He recalled that a few days earlier he had spoken of "the colossal military calamity" that occurred when the French high command failed to withdraw the northern armies from Belgium just as it was known that the French front was at Sedan This hesitation led to the loss of 15 or 16 French divisions and put the whole British expeditionary army out of action for the critical period. Certainly our army and 120,000 French [soldiers] were rescued from Dunkirk, but only with loss all their cannons, vehicles, and modern equipment. This loss required weeks of reparation, and in the first two of those weeks the battle in France was lost. If we consider the heroic resistance which the French army put up in this battle against strong odds, and the enormous losses inflicted on the enemy and the visible If the enemy is exhausted, then one can probably assume that these 25 divisions of the best-trained, best-equipped troops could have turned fate. General Weygang, however, had to fight without them. Only three British divisions were able to fight on one front with their French comrades. They suffered badly, but they fought well. "Churchill stated that he did not mention these facts to raise charges, but only to explain why not 14, but only three British divisions fought in the great battle in France He also warned against allegations against individual members of the British Kabi

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nice to raise for previous mistakes. In an argument between the past and the present, the future would be lost. "We have," said Churchill, "brought back the vast majority of the troops from France and all the supplies, rifles and ammunition that had accumulated there over the past 9 months. Seven eighths of the troops we had sent to France since the beginning of the war - roughly 350,000 to 400,000 men - came back safely to our country. " Churchill then broached the possibility of the Nazis attempting to land in England. To the extent that a landing by sea was an option, England was in a better position to meet it than at some times during the last war. In the near future, a large increase in weapons is to be expected. A large number of men will be called to arms and trained. Armies from the Dominions are here. So now there is a great and powerful military force on this island. Of an air invasion, Churchill said, "It seems very clear that there is no air invasion likely that cannot be immediately destroyed by our air fleet until our air fleet is completely overwhelmed." Churchill said government advisers in all three areas of warfare agree that the fighting should continue and that there are reasonable hopes of an ultimate victory. Regarding France, Churchill said: "The French government will throw away all great opportunities and their future if it does not continue the war in accordance with its treaty obligations from which we could not absolve it. If the final victory rewards our efforts, France would Share profits. Freedom would be given back to everyone: the Czechs, Poles, Norwegians, Dutch, Belgians - everyone who has joined our cause. " Churchill went on to say: "Hitler knows he will have to crush us on this island or lose the war. If we lose, then the whole world, including the United States and everything we knew and worked for, will fall into the abyss of a new dark age sinking that will grow darker and perhaps longer through the lights of a perverted science. " Churchill then declared that the superiority of Hitler's Air Force was only numerical, but that of the British

(Continued on page 12)

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Internment of refugees

Many thousand refugee men and women have been interned in the country during the last weeks, as a measure of precaution in this time of emergency. But voices are raised in criticism against the alleged necessity and usefulness of this measure, and we will make some quotations from British periodicals for the information of our readers on
this subject.

The "New Statesman and Nation" of June 15th refers to that subject in an article on the "Defense of Britain". The following are quotations from this article: "Thousands of men, women and children whom we voluntarily received in this country in full knowledge of the risks of war, are now harried and persecuted and, worst of all, refused permission to do work which, under supervision, they could do, without risk and with great advantage. No attempt has been made soberly to analyze which are the reliable anti-Nazi elements; on the contrary, in many cases men and women with years of experience in the fight against Hitlerism have been thrown into jail or interned, whereas 'non-political' refugees - that is refugees who did not take part in resistance to Hitlerism - are permitted to be at large.

We agree that once the public hysteria against refugees had been created there was no possib [i] ly [ty] of letting them work freely and side by side with British citizens. But is there any conceivable reason why five thousand women should be sitting in boarding houses in the Isle of Man with nothing whatsoever to do, why skilled workers in the prime of life, who are crying out for a job, should be deliberately classed as unemployable ? Thousands of refugees want to play their part in the defense of Britain because the defense of this island is the means to the liberation of their country. Organized under British supervision the men could now be set to work on forestry or agricultural employment. There is plenty of work such as sewing which the women would be proud to do at home if they were permitted, or in the internment camps, if internment must be their fate. Instead of regarding thousand victims of Hitlerism as pariahs, it would be perfectly possible, [when]

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the Home Office prepared to take expert advice, to divide them into three classes: first, a number of entirely reliable elements experienced in the war against Hitlerism, whose advice and collaboration in many cases would be invaluable for our propaganda in Germany; These people at present are not even permitted to have a wireless, and are thus disqualified even from listening to our German propaganda and giving their constructive criticism of it. Secondly, the non-political majority against whom nothing is known. These should be set to work only under British supervision. Thirdly, the doubtful or suspicious elements. These of course should be interned. "

In the same number of "New Statesman and Nation", a letter was printed from Mr. Hans Gottfurcht, representative of the Free German Trade Unions. In this letter he says: "We, who had to emigrate for political reasons and because of our active fight against National Socialism, fully understand the gravity of the present situation and the serious implications of this struggle. Therefore we also know that not a single useful individual should be wasted and that every man and woman ought to be put into the right place. We are aware of the fact that all refugees, including those registered on our lists, ought to be carefully examined as to their reliability. But those who have been found absolutely reliable could be of essential help to the success of the cause. Our collaborators come from all parts of Germany, they were employed in or had connections with the different branches of industry. Their active struggle against Hitler furnished them with information on matters of military, political and economical significance. It could be of vital importance, if this inside knowledge could be fully utilized ... Just as certain as the Nazi s prepare their military successes by fifth columns, will their downfall inside Germany be prepared by that other Germany. "

In the "Picture Post" of June 8, Sir Norman Angell, the Noble Prize winner, has written an article "Let us learn from the enemy", in which he says ao: "If within the last few years there had fled to Germany a hundred thousand Englishmen - including great scientists, industrialists, chemists, engineers, officers, soldiers,

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artisans, religious and political leaders, eminent writers - men who had suffered appalling tortures at the hand of the British Government and so had for that government a deadly hatred; if Hitler had within his borders a hundred thousand such Englishmen ready to welcome him as their liberator, would he have found no use for them? Would he have content simply to 'intern the lot'?

We know that he would have found a multitude of uses for them.

We have within our borders tens of thousands of 'aliens', made up of Germans, Austrians, Poles, Czechs. They are our natural allies, and the best instruments for purposes indispensable for victory. They have lived on the roads which one day our tanks must travel, know the fields where our airplanes must land; know men in this or that village or town which have deep if secret hatred for the Nazis; have sometimes helped to build the very tanks which now crash through our defenses. And, for the most part, we completely refuse to let them help us.

This does not mean that enemy aliens should be simply set at liberty again. What we should do is clear. We should set up a commission. Let there be three Britons on it and three Germans, whom our Government knows and can trust.

Let them go through the cases of all enemy aliens. Let them find out how each man can best be used in the struggle against Hitler. Some will undoubtedly still have to be interned. Many - especially chemists, scientists and technicians - can be useful employed under supervision. Some - it may be, will volunteer for the most dangerous task of all - to make their way back to Nazi Germany, and act as our allies inside our enemy's country. "

We add to these voices from English magazines on the question of the internment of political refugees from the "Sozialdemokrat", the journal of the Sudeten German Social Democrats in England of June 3, which refers to one in several English

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Daily newspapers published a letter from comrade Wenzel Jaksch referring to the general suspicion of "hostile foreigners". It says: "After the experiences of Norway, Denmark, Holland and Belgium, there is no shadow of evidence that political refugees took part in the activities of the Fifth Column. On the contrary, it is known from French and English press reports that that immediately after the occupation, the Gestapo began to hunt down the poor victims of their democratic convictions.[1] It is reported from Norway that the Reich German refugees were shot. The Germans who belonged to the Fifth Column were not refugees, but Reich German citizens who lived abroad on the pretext of exercising a profession. It is precisely these elements that have not been adequately monitored, by no means the political refugees who were everywhere under the supervision of the police authorities. The tendency of the press to identify the interned refugees with the Fifth Column does not serve the cause of democracy ... Security measures are undoubtedly important. If it is necessary to lock up a few thousand refugees in order to render a dozen Nazi agents harmless, then nothing can be said about it. But the good name of those affected should not be reviled. ... An alien psychosis, caused by one-sided press comments, will only distract from the necessary vigilance against the enemies of democracy. "

The "action" disappears

Sir Oswald Mosley's weekly paper, "The Action"[2], announced last week to its readers that it would no longer appear.

Release of the Sopade

The members of the executive committee of the Social Democratic Party of Germany and members of the Sopade office who had recently been interned in France were released two weeks ago.

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Bevin's work schedule

The new British Labor Secretary Ernest Bevin, formerly of the Transport Workers Union, has passed an ordinance which means a fundamental change in working conditions in Great Britain for the time of the war. Strikes and lockouts are prohibited by this ordinance, and a National Arbitration Board is established, the decisions of which are final and binding on both parties. The Factory Department of the Home Office, which previously oversaw welfare institutions in British industry, has been subordinated to the Department of Labor for the duration of the war. The employers are forbidden to hire a worker in any other way than through the relevant employment office or union. An industrial commission is set up to direct workers to those parts of the country and production where they are most needed, to monitor the employment of women and young people, to provide assistance in emergencies and in cooperation with local authorities organize the billeting and feeding of the workers who have been moved to new places. The seven-day week is introduced in ammunition factories, with each worker having one rest day per week. The number of people employed in the mining industry is to be increased to 800,000 by bringing unemployed miners back to work and former miners returning to their old professions. The Minister of Labor commented on his plan that he would devote all attention to the effect of the increased armament and would not allow himself to be influenced by the sheer numbers of unemployed. There is a possibility that precisely as a result of the reorganization of work in Great Britain, the number of unemployed will be subject to fluctuations upwards and downwards, but these are not decisive.

The wave of internment

In the past few weeks, further internment of suspicious Britons and certain classes of foreigners have taken place in England. Hundreds of officials

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The fascist "British Union" of Sir Oswald Mosley, who was interned three weeks ago, have been affected by the internment. After the "hostile foreigners", male and female, who were classified as "B" by the tribunals, were only interned up to the age of 60, those between the ages of 60 and 70 have now also been interned. In addition, foreigners who had received the classification "C" from the tribunal but were brought before an "Advisory Committee" again and recommended by it for internment, or on the basis of an order from the Home Office, took place almost daily were interned without any special procedure. After Mussolini declared war, numerous Italians were also taken to internment camps.[3]

Only a few foreigners have been released from internment camps so far, and it must be expected that the internment measures will affect even larger numbers of foreigners in the near future. As far as is known, most of the male foreigners interned in London were taken to Kempton-Park camp, Sunbury-on-Thames, and most of those interned in the province either to Huyton camp near Liverpool or to Ramsay on the Isle of Man . The interned female foreigners all seem to be in Port Erin on the Isle of Man, where they are accommodated in hotels and boarding houses and can move around relatively freely.

It is allowed to send the internees clothes and other important items that they had to leave behind to the camp, but food and beverages should not be enclosed. On the other hand, it is possible to send them money to be addressed to the "commandant [s]" of the camp concerned with the request that it be handed over to the internee. A list of the items contained in the consignment should be enclosed with every consignment of objects.

After the internees were unable to receive mail in the first few weeks of the wave of internments, they now seem to have permission to send letters

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write, which, however, often arrive with a long delay.

Restrictions on foreigners

A number of other areas of England have recently been declared Prohibited Zones to Foreigners and foreigners residing there have been given a short period of time to leave these areas. These are militarily important areas in various parts of the country. The London Police District has not yet been affected by these measures, but almost all of the counties surrounding London have already been evacuated by foreigners.

Furthermore, all foreigners residing in the UK have been banned from being outside their homes at night. In London, the ban applies from 12 noon to 6 a.m., in all other places from 10.30 p.m. to 6 a.m. The "hostile foreigners", i.e. foreigners of Austrian and German origin, were prohibited from owning or operating radio sets.

Cripps in Moscow

Last Wednesday, Sir Stafford Cripps, the new British ambassador in Moscow, arrived at his destination. His journey was delayed first by formal difficulties made by the Moscow government and then by flight difficulties. The British government raised Cripps to the rank of ambassador at Moscow's request. Cripps, like the new French ambassador, has Labonne[4] used the involuntary stay in the Balkans for political talks in some Balkan capitals, especially in Athens and Sofia. Labonne also arrived in Moscow last week and, like Cripps, has started conversations with Molotov. The British government has determined that Cripps only has the task of negotiating in Moscow on the conclusion of a trade agreement that has not yet been concluded because the Moscow government has not agreed.

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wanted to oblige not to deliver any of the goods to be obtained from England to the Third Reich.

In this context, it is worth noting that the Russian ambassador in Rome, who had been in Moscow for some time, returned to Rome after Italy entered the war, and the Italian ambassador in Moscow, who was in Rome, returned to Moscow.

Communist defeat

In the by-election in the East London proletarian district of Bow and Bromley, made necessary by the death of George Lansbury, the Labor Party candidate, Alderman, received Charles Key[5], 11,594 votes, while Communist rival Isabel Brown[6] received no more than 506 votes and thus lost the bail that every candidate has to provide. The Socialist candidate elected said after the results became known: "I won because the workers of this country are determined to win this war and because the Bow and Bromley workers are determined to show their confidence in the government and their support for the." Labor entry into government. "

New address of the Czech Trust Fund

The London office of the Czech Refugee Trust Fund has left its old home on Mecklenburgh Square and moved to Whitehall, Montague Street, London WC1. Some personnel changes have taken place at the main office of the Czech Trust Fund in Windsor. Due to the regulation that declares Windsor a prohibited area for hostile foreigners, all volunteers of the Czech Trust Fund who are of German or Austrian nationality had to leave Windsor. The director's previous secretary, Mrs. Yvonne Kapp[7], has retired from the Trust Fund, as has Miss Thornycroft[8], the previous head of the Hospitality Department, and Mrs. Mynatt[9], the previous head of


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Tribunal Section for "Friendly Aliens". Miss E.A. Everyone [10]and Mrs. Dudding became the director's secretary[11], the previous head of the Education Department.

England against the dictators

The breakthrough of the Nazi army through the French front, the occupation of Paris and the advance of Hitler's troops from Reims to the Swiss border resulted in the resignation of the Reynaud government and the cessation of the struggle by one chaired by Marshal Pétain[12] formed government. A few days earlier, Mussolini had declared war on the Western powers, and while Hitler was thrusting into the heart of France, Stalin was making ultimate demands on the Baltic states, the inevitable acceptance of which is tantamount to the occupation of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia by the Red Army. The future will tell whether it is a disadvantage for Hitler that he has to share the fruits of his self-sacrificing successes in the West with the other two dictators. Whether the seeds of a dictatorial triple alliance or a coming discord between the tyrants were sown here cannot be said today any more than whether the Italian ally will prove to be an aid or a burden for the Third Reich. Only one thing is clear: Nobody can deny or fail to recognize that this war is a fight between dictatorship and democracy, a struggle of annihilation, the outcome of which for a long time extends beyond Europe’s future, even beyond that of the whole world will decide.

At the time these lines are being written, it looks like England and her Dominions will have to fight the battle alone for a while, and if ever in history the British Empire had a moral mission rather than an imperialist mission, so in this hour. And that gives us the hope that its isolation will not last long, that it will find allies among the democracies threatened by the same danger and the nations of the East and the West threatened by dictatorships. And already today it is certain that the British Empire in its great struggle is all moral

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Powers of the world, all the hopes of oppressed peoples and all the desires of the enslaved.

England continues to fight - that is the fact that Hitler has to face in the eye after his rapid triumph in France. In addition to the task of ruling a hundred million subjugated people, there is the task of attacking the toughest enemy. As serious as the situation is, as great the danger and as uncertain the future - the decision is still to come, and we know what depends on it.

Churchill's statement (Continued from page 2)

Luftwaffe shot down more enemy planes than lost their own everywhere. He also pointed to the new major deliveries from America and the help of the Dominions and said that he did not see how the balance sheet could turn to the detriment of England by winter. But winter would put pressure on the Nazi regime if it had almost all of Europe reluctantly and starving under its power. "Whatever happens in France, whether with the French government or any other French government, we on this island and in the British Empire will never lose our sense of camaraderie with the French people." At the end Churchill said: "We will do our duty and behave in such a way that, if the British Empire exists for a thousand years, one will still say: That was its greatest hour."

Voluntary contributions to cover the costs of the SM: Meta p. 5 / -; Hans G. 1 / -; Heinrich, Manchester, 2 / -; Gr., Bristol, 2/6; Günther Br. 5 / -; Mrs. S. 2/6; L.M., London, 5 / -; Ins. 6 / -; Ar., London, 2 / -; Friedr. P. 1 / -; Farmer p. 5 / -; Eugen P. 2 / -; Miss Tr. 2/6; Toni H. 2/6; Miss L.L. 3/6; H.H. 2/6. We thank all friends for their contributions.

Issued by the London Representative of the German Social Demo-
cratic party, 33, Fernside Avenue, London NW 7.

Editorial notes

1- The Gestapo had already printed lists of political opponents to be arrested (locals and emigrants) for all countries that the Nazi regime had attacked or planned to attack. See, inter alia. Gestapo (Ed.): Informationsheft G.B., o. O., o. J. [1940].

2 - "The Action" (London) was published from 1936-1940.

3 - Italy entered the war on June 10, 1940.

4 - Erik Labonne (born 1888), Ambassador to Moscow 1940-1941, recalled by the Vichy government.

5 - Charles Key (1883-1964), Labor MP 1940-1964, 1945-1947 State Secretary in the British Ministry of Health.

6 - Isabel Brown, on the governing body of the Communist Party, was a member of the 1933 World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, chaired by Lord Morley.

7 - Yvonne Kapp, writer, previously Jewish Committee (Medical Department).

8 - No biographical information could be determined for Kate Thornycroft.

9 - Margaret Mynatt, English communist, is said to have worked as a KPD functionary in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s, and in 1938 secretary of the Relief Committee for Victims of Fascism.

10 - No biographical information could be found on Elisabeth A. Allen.

11 - No biographical information could be found on Mrs. Dudding.

12 - Henri-Philippe Pétain (1856-1951), Marshal of World War I, head of state of the Vichy regime from 1940-1944.

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